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Despite the current chaos engulfing Kevin McCarthy’s bid to become speaker of the House, Republicans of the chamber will probably, finally rise united around the GOP speaker candidate.
After that, things can get scary.
The core problem is that the House is finally necessary exercise some things – things more important and more complicated than just choosing a leader. Specifically, the House must fund the federal government, and must raise the debt ceiling to prevent a national debt default.
Reaching an agreement with Senate Democrats and President Joe Biden is necessary for both. But the GOP House majority is quite narrow – it has 222 members, while 218 are needed for a House majority. So, in order to pass anything, the Republican leader must win almost all the members who are quarreling on the right side of the party (something that this week’s event will be very difficult) or win over the Democrats (who can alienate the rights and the land. the party immediately returns to the election of another speaker who contested).
20 House Republicans who opposed McCarthy’s speakership at some point on Tuesday, denied him the majority of votes he needed to win, differing in which issue seemed to move the most people. Some, like Chip Roy (TX) and Scott Perry (PA), is an anti-government spending ideologue. Others, such as Paul Gosar (AZ) and Lauren Boebert (CO), are conspiracy cranks. Some, like Matt Gaetz (FL), might just make a mistake.
But all see an advantage in defying the GOP establishment and what they portray as Washington politics as usual. And he has flexed his muscles to show that, yes, he is stubborn enough to stop the party’s plans. So whoever becomes speaker will be tasked with an impossible balancing act — maintaining enough conservative support to remain speaker, while averting a governing disaster.
In other words, the chaos of the speaker may be a presage of the catastrophic collapse of the American government through the debt ceiling and funding problems this year – or at least the situation is so tense that a deal can come out.
This has been the consistent dynamic of the GOP House majority since the Tea Party years
Since the last time the Republicans took over the House of Representatives from the Democratic majority – the wave of the Tea Party in the 2010 midterms under President Obama – the same problem continues to haunt the majority: the recalcitrant right that makes it difficult to get the base. government duty.
In particular, the right has become convinced of the idea that House Republicans should try to hold legislation hostage until a Democratic president and the Senate agree to pass key conservative priorities into law.
During the Obama years, many of these conservatives were suspicious of government spending bills. which usually passed with bipartisan support. So, he forced the party leaders to compete with the Democrats.
The first of these showdowns came over the debt ceiling, which is effectively a cap on how much new debt the federal government can issue that must be periodically raised. Partisan posturing about raising the debt ceiling since the past decade, but in 2011 House Republicans seemed scarily serious about this, threatening to default unless the Democrats agreed to dramatically cut spending, and socks fear economic disaster. (A deal was finally made.)
Then in 2013, the GOP initially refused to fund the government unless Obamacare was overhauled — prompting a government shutdown that lasted more than two weeks before Republican leadership.
The party’s internal tensions ultimately proved too much for Speaker John Boehner to handle, and after pressure from the newly formed House Freedom Caucus — the main organizing body on the right side of the chamber — and then-Rep. Mark Meadows, he resigned in 2015. His would-be successor, Kevin McCarthy, then resigned before the vote because of the opposition from the right. Ultimately, though, enough of the hard-liners settled Paul Ryan as the new speaker and the House avoided a more tense legislative battle for the rest of Obama’s presidency. Congress returned to the status quo where the appropriations bill passed the GOP House with bipartisan support despite dozens of dissenters on the right.
The election of Donald Trump then destroyed the dynamics of the fight, and the Republican Party ideologically. The Freedom Caucus is still hustling for spending, but immigration, culture wars, and personal loyalty to Trump have all become important issues, and the fight over the size and scope of government has become less important.
Republican House Speaker goes into doom loop
Still, the big legislative fight this year is highly likely to return to the time-tested topic of government funding and the debt ceiling for a simple reason – that is what Congress has to do, and the Democrats need Republican cooperation. (Controversial independent bills introduced by House Republicans can be safely ignored by Senate Democrats.)
But the balancing act of McCarthy or the speaker-to-be-named-later will face even trickier than the one that takes down Boehner.
For one, 222 Republicans is a smaller majority than Speaker Boehner (smallest majority is 234). That means the speaker can only lose five GOP votes before having to rely on Democrats to pass something. Simply put, there are more than five Republicans whose votes will be hard to win on a bill that must pass. Not all of the 19 or so anti-McCarthy hard-liners were so focused on shrinking the size of government, but some were.
The solution seems clear: The bills that must be passed must pass, or the speaker’s party will pay a heavy political price, so the speaker will have to rely on a handful of Democrats to get them across the finish line.
The problem is that when GOP speakers make deals with Democrats, conservatives get angry. He may be angry enough to make a “motion to vacate the seat.” It is a privilege motion that can force a vote of no confidence in the speaker before the full House. And if the speaker loses his voice, the House will stop again where now now – open speaker election.
For most of the House’s history, any member could continue the motion. In 2019, Democrats changed the rules to require a single-party majority. But anti-McCarthy Republicans have demanded the threshold be lowered to just one more member. In an effort to win votes from holdouts, McCarthy proposed lowering the threshold to five members. Effectively, this would give the five incumbents a chance to reopen the speakership election, unless Democrats save McCarthy. So far, concessions etc. have not been enough.
The big picture is that it is not clear that a majority of 218 out of 222 Republicans is possible. The speaker may have to rely on Democratic votes on a regular basis — to raise the debt ceiling, to fund the government, to defeat motions to vacate seats. But seeking those Democratic votes would make the speaker anathema to the far right, fueling conservative opposition and possibly ousting him.
How do we get out of this?
There are only two real ways out of the cycle of doom.
One is through the bipartisan House that governs the majority, with some Democrats and some Republicans. In one sense, this is centrist fan fiction – a formal power-sharing deal is impossible, given the hostility between the two parties. But in another sense, the House Republican majority has relied on Democratic votes to get must-pass government funding bills through since the Obama administration.
Another way out for GOP leaders to somehow convince the hard right to chill. And you can say, good luck with that, but it has worked in the past – at least for a while.
As I mentioned above, when Boehner was forced to resign in 2015 and Ryan became his replacement, it was essentially for the Obama-era spending war. It would be possible for firebrand conservatives to use the movement to vacate the seat against Ryan, too, but they never – they believe they’d made that point. Moreover, House GOP leaders managed to avoid a debt ceiling confrontation again after the 2011 crisis, and after the 2013 shutdown debacle, they not only continued to hammer the wall that led to another shutdown under Obama.
The question is whether the new GOP speaker will be politically deft enough to come up to the brink and actually attract the members who returned from the legislative battle this year – especially through the debt ceiling, because of the risk of economic crisis there. Will he be able to convince enough Republicans that, yes, the government needs to be funded, and the debt ceiling needs to be raised, and that Senate Democrats and President Biden don’t just deliver an easy ultimatum. ?
If the new GOP proves to be too dysfunctional to accept this, we could be in for a dangerous showdown – one in which Biden may have to explore options to overcome the debt ceiling without congressional support.
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